Sujeev Shakya

Articles & Publications

Biden inauguration brings changes for Nepal

The new US administration has already shown signs of departing from the policies of the old one

The inauguration of the US President Joe Biden on January 20 was, for the majority of the people around the world, a relief. Not only has the past four years been tortuous for the United States, but it has encouraged many self-centred politicians globally to pursue inward-looking authoritarian actions with complete disregard to fundamental principles of equity and justice. The inauguration speech provided a sense of calm and a direction that we will get back to a world of global cooperation through multilateralism, respect of human rights, social inclusion and the need to mitigate climate change challenges. Definitely, Nepal and Nepalis will be impacted by this in four meaningful ways.

Protection of minority rights

One of the biggest challenges of the last four years has been the majority in power dominating the minority. Black Lives Matter became not only a movement in America, but it opened up discussions on the South Asian hypocrisy of supporting this as an aggrieved party in the US but practising exclusion in their own communities. In Nepal, the issues of the Dalits and other marginalised groups, along with women, that was brushed aside will have an impact on bilateral relations, investments and development assistance. President Biden has appointed a team that is perhaps the most diverse and inclusive in US history and his administration would surely like to see that taken as an example elsewhere in the world. In Nepal, the culture of male domination and upper-caste patriarchy will come under a scanner. We will go back to the discourses of 2008 to 2015, and the issues of Madhes and Janajatis will resurface.

Climate change

The new administration’s commitment to battle climate change has been very clear. Closer to home, the fragile ecology has been in discussion now for a half a century. Air pollution remains a major challenge with uncontrolled exploitation of natural resources by politically aligned cartels. Nepal has the opportunity to lead the discourse. After four years of hosting Himalayan Consensus Summit, one of the Advisory Board members, Prof Mahendra P Lama, created a concept around the Sagarmatha Dialogue that the Government of Nepal decided to host. This is one issue that has been trampled on by the current political fiasco. Whoever will come to lead the government, this will have to be rekindled. The geopolitics of the region is tied to the impact of the challenges of climate change; when natural disasters and long term problems occur, there are no political boundaries. Nepal has again an opportunity to take a leadership position in the region.

Nepalis in the US

One of the key decisions of the new administration has been to provide citizenship to 11 million undocumented migrants. Nepalis form a good number of them. A Pew Research Report indicated there were about 150,000 US citizens of Nepali origin in 2015, with 83 percent having lived there for less than 10 years. Since the 2015 earthquake, 9,000 Nepalis were given residency in the US under a Temporary Protected Status, but the previous administration was not interested to convert it into citizenship. Let us not forget that every Nepali who becomes a US citizen adds more family members. The Diversity Visa (DV) programme administered by the US government saw more than a million Nepalis in 2019 and 2020, or one-tenth of the eligible population, wanting to become US citizens. The US has been a sought after destination for higher education with Nepal featuring among the top 10 source countries of students for many years. The US still continues to be the land of opportunity for the young Nepalis for whom Kathmandu is just a transit point. There will be more people wanting to study or migrate to the US than ever before as the political situation becomes even more complicated.

Nepal and the US

The relationship between Nepal and the US has been challenging since the grant under the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) was made into a geopolitical issue. When then-Secretary Pompeo visited South Asia, he skipped Nepal—just as a statement from Nepal accused Washington of attempting an ‘imperialist coup’ in Venezuela. US investments in Nepal have been at a historic low due to the Nepal government’s disinterest in encouraging foreign investments and the control of local political business cartels over the government. Tourists from the US as a percentage of total tourists have declined and so has people to people exchange. The Peace Corps that was suspended during the insurgency restarted in 2012 and the network of Nepal and Nepalis has a lot to do with the thousands of US citizens who became Nepal’s biggest and best ambassadors. However, the government continues to make the work of foreign volunteers in Nepal difficult from the perspective of visas and approvals. For Nepal, there is an ‘open moment’ to recalibrate ties with the US and for Nepalis, there is another opportunity to engage at the people to people level with the US. We can only hope for the best. 

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Social insecurity

Nepal’s social security schemes do not work for the intended beneficiaries and are a burden for honest businesspersons.

One of the vivid images that keep popping up in my mind, from a time before the political crisis began, is the particular picture of Prime Minister KP Oli that was splashed across billboards in cities, cover jackets in leading newspapers, advertisements in televisions and on social media. This was the launch of the Social Security Fund in late 2018. The International Labour Organisation hailed it as a ‘historical step towards achieving decent work for all’. This day was also decided to be marked as Social Security Day in Nepal, but a year later in 2019, this day was forgotten. Like many religious, cultural and project-based events in Nepal, it was a one-time affair that fizzled out. The concept was full of flaws; but like many other regulations in Nepal, we do not believe in corrective action. Surely, nothing is perfect when it is launched, but through feedback and amendments, policies that benefit citizens are made palatable. However, in this case, both the intended target segments—the employer and employee—have suffered.

Impediment to rules

When we are pitching for investments with foreign investors, they ask for the overall labour and work landscape; the guidelines on the Social Security Fund (SSF) then become a red flag to potential investors. The Nepali cartel-driven private sector always finds ways to get around such regulations. When I asked a business person in Birgunj very much involved with business association politics on how the sectoral associations agree to such half baked rules, his answer was clear. He said that you can only do good business in Nepal if you can beat the system. ‘I have my workers come across from India to work in my factory, so the issue of SSF does not apply to me’, he said.

While it is fair to blame Nepal’s weak economic progress on the problems created by labour through unions and other political bodies, the Nepali private sector is equally to be blamed. There is an Employers’ Council at the Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce & Industries (FNCCI), but the website has been inactive since August 2017. Presumably, the donor funding for the project that looked at this Employers’ Council must be depleted.

In 2000, when I was working at the Soaltee Hotel and was part of a team that was trying to negotiate with labour unions on the issue of service charges in hotels, I was trying to explain to the public why the service charge was such a bad idea. Little did I know that the employers were keen for this also, as they saw an opportunity to make some extra money. In most cases where sales revenue records were not maintained in a transparent manner, it gave proprietors the opportunity to rake in the entire 10 percent by paying off some of the key labour folks. In the case of SSF also, the private sector bodies continued to emphasise on the necessity of making the fund work. For businesses, this is an additional cost on top of the high taxes that one pays in the country and high wages when compared with productivity.

Nepal’s history of labour post-1990 has been a contentious one, with shutdowns and strikes forming a part of the action backed by political forces. When we used to negotiate with the workers in the companies I was engaged earlier with, we did not meet with our own staff but with external political leaders. There was a pseudo-militant attitude among the representatives that turned for the worst during the decade long insurgency. Nepali labour does not want payments based on productivity and, in negotiations, the aim has been to get the maximum by doing the minimum. The current SSF, however, hits them hard, too, as employees have to lock in money for 30 years before they can get the money out. In today’s working culture, who thinks of being in one job for 30 years? The workers also know very well that money collected by the government will never reach them, like in the case of the National Level Welfare Fund.

The discourse on social security is more important now than it has ever been, as people and economies reel under the impact of the pandemic. For employees, it is becoming crucial to have social security to survive through difficult times, as most employers find it easier to lay off people than help them. For firms, they are under pressure to weed out costs as revenues have dropped or disappeared. If the Nepali private sector organisations had been long term thinkers, they would have worked with the government to create social security schemes that would actually benefit all.

The pandemic has shown us that human relations go beyond contracts and obligations. If a person has worked with you for 20 years, you have to fend for them during difficult times by dipping into your own resources; many Nepalis have done exactly that. Social security schemes have to provide actual security for the beneficiaries, and not just photo-ops for megalomaniacs. Hopefully, development partners involved in the work around social security in Nepal also introspect on what is important.

https://tkpo.st/3oB9XE5

What will 2021 have for Nepal?

The year 2020 was disruptive, but there is yet hope for Nepal in the future.

A friend, who is an international investor, asked me last week of the three satisfying moments I hope to be looking back at the end of 2021. The following three moments came to mind. First, the world would have overcome a good part of the challenges posed by the pandemic. Vaccines would have reached a good part of the world and global travel industry would be on the path to revival. Second, in the region, there would be no major skirmishes and the conflict between our neighbours would have scaled-down. Third, for Nepal, we would have sorted out the political challenges, as we have done in the past, and that this government in its current form will not be ruling Nepal.

The year 2020 globally has been a challenging year. It was also an equaliser, as countries that had acquired amazing military power and perceived economic power did poorly when it came to handling the pandemic. While many blame governments and their leaders for not being able to handle the situation well, one thing is clear—governments can only manage to a certain extent. The rest is dependent on the citizens.

From the US to parts of Europe, from India to Nepal, we witnessed how citizen behaviour helped accelerate the spread of the novel coronavirus. Some governments could intervene and some could not. The responses are also based on localised behaviour as the spread of the pandemic in parts of India were different than in other parts. We also learnt how people do not want to hear rational analysis; but, with the spread of messages over social media, they will hear what they like to hear. A superstitious person could hardly be convinced of the science behind the virus. At the same time, there were countries that successfully tackled public health management with a rational mindset, proper laws and citizen cooperation.

The year also disrupted our lives to a large extent, but we learnt the joys of going back and understanding each other. We learnt to connect with new people in novel ways. New ways of buying products and services, as well as paying for them, emerged. The entrepreneurial spirit was tested, but the folks willing to change their mindset and recalibrate themselves benefited the most.

Politicians took advantage of the situation and quasi-authoritarian rule backed by populism emerged not only in countries like Nepal but also in the world’s oldest and largest democracies. Many countries were forced to look inward as they had to deal with the pandemic. Therefore, there is little known about what happened in some countries, particularly China. Nepal’s northern neighbour as a country tried to get back to normal as soon as possible, and it is difficult to understand what is happening there with the spread of the virus and its direct consequences. But investors are bullish about this country and trade seems to have normalised.

China has gained the most out of the pandemic both in terms of the economy and in soft power. While global media outlets downplay its success, attending localised events in Southeast Asia or Africa or Latin America, China’s image has gone through a major transformation. However, in 2020, despite popular perceptions, Nepal has distanced itself from China a lot as we realised that Nepali citizen and government behaviour will always be closer to India than a forward-thinking China.

On a personal note, the year began with the launch of my book Unleashing the Vajra, where I talk about how essential it is to have a societal transformation to sustain economic growth. This was a big departure from the core theme of my earlier book, where I talked about how more investments and better management can transform economics. It is not just degree-led education that will bring about transformation, but knowledge of civic sense and self-discipline. Most people who blame the successive governments for failing the nation cannot themselves honestly claim that they follow the rules.

Wealth does not matter if one has a rent-seeking mindset. What happened in December in politics is bad, but it is reflective of the culture in most households, businesses, academic institutions, social service organisations and Nepali life in general. A society where such irrational behaviour is acceptable mainstreams such culture. The current fiasco is not the first time Nepali politics has suffered.

There is always hope when thinking long term. This hope ignites the possibility that archaic systems, processes and people will be replaced in every walk of life as Nepal’s demographic dividend pays off. That will then reflect in the politics, as we will see unheard names from far-flung areas of Nepal become ambitious enough to take on the mantle of key political leadership. Nepal still remains geopolitically important in the calculus of the regional economy and trade in the Asia Pacific. Nepal may yet be at the centre of Asia in the future. Hope 2021 will push us one a few steps in the right direction, and that we will be able to sort out short term problems. 

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The business of foreign affairs

As Nepal shows a renewed focus on foreign policy, it is necessary to think about possible transformative changes.

Last week, the government released the 31-page Nepal Foreign Policy 2077 document. While it is no doubt interesting that the government has finally thought to bring forward a seemingly comprehensive policy direction in an area much neglected, I continue to question the basics surrounding its release. With no official English translation released, it seems like the document was meant for the domestic audience. But how can people who do not read Nepali understand it? If it were to have been released in the six official UN languages, Hindi and Bengali, it would have been a groundbreaking effort that would cover most of our neighbourhood and the countries strategically important to us.

Whenever Nepalis look to reimagine issues, we get stuck building on the past rather than looking ahead. It is like trying to find new ways to fix the fax machine when most of the world has moved on to better forms of communication. Nepal needs to continuously have a futuristic perspective on managing the fundamentals, rather than trying to repair a broken past. In this regard, we can focus on some key areas.

First, we need to think of the large population of Nepalis around the world and the services that they need. A survey that we ran, when I was visiting the US regularly in the early 2000s, told us that people of the diaspora were willing to pay as much as $100 to get a birth certificate (and other important administrative documents) attested and sent back to them. I had proposed to the Nepal Embassy in the US how this service could be thought of as a profit centre—a point from where the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or individual embassies could gain a large chunk of much-needed revenue. Yet, the thought was considered too disruptive back then.

Perhaps the time has come to revisit this idea, particularly considering how some countries gain back the cost of building new embassy buildings from just the visa fees and services sold from those individual embassies. The five million-odd Nepalis around the world who have to jump through hoops to avail of consular services would undoubtedly appreciate it. Embassies, at the same time, would not be pressured to handle mundane issues that arise when a service-oriented system is not in place. And, such a service provided through the embassies wouldn’t be as exploitative and problematic as some of the private, outsourced companies that other countries are known to employ.

Second, we need an institution that focuses on the selective study of countries and regions from around the world. Global events can be held, and collaborative projects can be undertaken. Such an institution would then mould academics that could make better policy recommendations, particularly foreign policy. Hundreds of well-trained Nepalis who have studied international relations from a top institution will be more than happy to serve their own country; they will bring not only their experience, but also the connections they have fostered through global links. For a young Nepali who aspires to contribute to Nepal’s transformation, this would be an essential institution. The revenue gained from providing effective service through embassies could fund this institution.

Third, we need to reimagine how the government connects with its diaspora. The Non-Resident Nepali Association (NRNA) was created in 2003 when there were less than half a million Nepalis (besides the Nepalis residing in India) living abroad. Today, when there are more than five million. This necessitates recalibration. I had personally spent a couple of years helping NRNA to create its Vision 2030 and implement transformation, but politics has dominated the discourse.

The associations that dominate the lives of the diaspora have become vote banks; even the newer political groups in Nepal see them that way. It seems the transformation of non-resident contribution through the NRNA seems complicated, while the second generation of non-resident Nepalis feels disconnected from the ancestral home. Perhaps an independent entity within the Foreign Ministry or the NRNA can lead the necessary changes. The issues that need dire attention are the provisioning for dual citizenships, helping Nepalis invest or grow their businesses abroad, and unleashing Nepal’s soft power. The latter can focus on Nepal’s rich endowment of nature, heritage and the diversity of its art, culture, music and culinary experiences. If the government sought help, there would be hundreds that would volunteer.

Finally, what will be required is the change in the old mindset of cronyism and nepotism. Nepal needs to reimagine its diplomacy. It has to move away from politics. If it is to succeed, it would be better to run the system like a business—with a CEO at the helm that delivers the triple bottom line; namely, surpluses from services, high impact unleashing of Nepal’s soft power and happy citizens who are genuinely proud of their country.

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The globalisation of food

Helped by out-migration and changing food habits, the many cuisines of Nepal are finally being recognised all over.

For the last fortnight, Santosh Shah, a UK based Nepali chef, has been in the news for featuring in a renowned UK reality cooking show for professionals. His progress through the show has not only made Nepalis around the world proud but has also made many introspect on the great food heritage we inherit. The growth of migration in the past three decades has also spread Nepali food to the places the diaspora resides in. One can find many Indian restaurants owned and operated by Nepalis in the US East Coast. And, even in cities like Seychelles, the number of Nepali owned and operated restaurants will surprise people. The ubiquitous momo has come to represent Nepal everywhere, even if its origin lies elsewhere. But through all strides the cuisines of Nepal have made, the rise of Nepali food can be traced to a few particular aspects.

When Nepal opened its doors to the world in the early 50s, the tourists brought with them a vibrant café culture. The members of the then royal family opened hotels and restaurants and provided other establishments with their patronage. This gave many Nepalis an opportunity to learn how to master global dishes. A Russian dish like the Chicken A La Kiev is still made to perfection in many small restaurants in Nepal, and this skill is what the people took to the world. Whenever I travel, it is amusing to meet my former colleagues at the Soaltee Hotel managing very high-end restaurants with the staff they would have taken from the workplace. In the opening of the floodgates of migration in the 1990s, the people in the food and beverage sector were the ones that got better jobs and started the first wave of migration. Many of them have now made it big like Chef Santosh Shah.

Further, when we talk about Nepali food and Nepali identity, it goes beyond the country of Nepal. In the many Indian restaurants operating in Thailand especially in Bangkok and Phuket, one will find the staff and managers chatting in Nepali, only to realise they are Burmese Nepali. Similarly, the thousands of Bhutanese refugees settled in the US are Nepalis as far as food is concerned, and they find comfort in that too. It is very difficult for third-generation Assamese Nepalis to explain their origin, the Indian citizenship that they gave up and their identity as Americans, but they are included in the larger Nepali identity whenever their kitchen or food comes into play. A Tibetan refugee from Bylakuppe or Dharamshala in India is more comfortable not to fight on the origins of the word momo in the US and do not mind calling the barbecued meat in their food menu as sekuwa. They get engulfed in the pan Himalayan Nepali identity. The spread of Buddhism in the west also pushed this Himalayan cuisine identified with Nepal more than any other country specifically.

Food has been the biggest tool of globalisation and since time immemorial the most peaceful way of overtaking cultures and communities without waging a war. When Thaksin Shinawatra took over as Prime Minister in Thailand, he called for all global cities to have Thai restaurants and every kitchen in the world to cook Thai food. This soft diplomacy strategy has been very successful; in any corner of the world, it is very difficult to find people who have not tasted Thai food.

Moreover, there has been a change in the food habits of people back home which has perhaps influenced the cuisines of Nepal in a way. Previously, there were many psychological restrictions when it came to the food habits of Nepalis. Some people, questioning the caste of the people cooking the food in highway eateries and restaurants, used to shun such establishments. Some people equated meat with wealth, which did disservice many superb vegetarian ingredients and dishes. Now, people are less bothered with caste questions when it comes to food, which translates to more Nepalis promoting Nepali food globally. Also, with the international influences of vegan food, health-conscious eating and calorie counting, a variety of Nepali legumes, vegetables and herbs have begun to be rediscovered.

Nettle and buckwheat, which were associated with poverty, now are expensive superfoods. Vegetables like the lauka (bottle gourd) and karela (bitter gourd) have become sought-after health foods. Avocados are as popular and as expensive as meat in the Kathmandu Valley. I have continued to argue that the pictures of fruits and vegetables in an Instagram post looks much better than the pictures of a dead goat.

There will be more to write as globalisation moves from markets to kitchens. 

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Mha Puja as a unifier

The new year rituals of the Newa community can be promoted as a pan-Nepali event as well as a tourist attraction.

Tihar, known as Swonti to the Newa community, is a very important festival for many groups in Nepal. The Newa community, in particular, celebrates the New Year according to the Nepal Sambat calendar at this time. The Nepal Sambat was used as the official calendar in Nepal until 1903, when it was replaced by the Bikram Sambat calendar (which was introduced by then prime minister Chandra Shumsher Rana). The Gujaratis also celebrate their New Year on the same day during Tihar.

Icon of identity

People of the Newa community all over Nepal, who were denied the right to their language and culture during the Rana regime and later on during Panchayat rule, took this day as an opportunity to demonstrate their presence. The iconic Patan Dhoka used to be painted afresh each year. My student day memories in Kalimpong was to receive the Nepal Era calendar that was published along with many publications that used to be published in the Newa language by various groups. That was perhaps the only written material in Newa language we got to read. I remember the Newa magazine Dharmodaya saw a brief revival being published from Kalimpong since it was a challenge to publish and distribute in Nepal.

In the Kathmandu Valley, the honking of the motorbikes and the rally during the day marked the celebrations and bhintuna greetings were only some of the words that younger Newas could speak in their mother tongue. After 1990, the celebrations became a bit more prominent and the establishment of a statue of Sankhadhar Sakhwa, who is linked to the starting of the Nepal Era, suddenly rekindled the discussions around Nepal Sambat being the official calendar. During the ethnicity and identity politics of the Maoist insurgency, the Newa community used celebrations of the Nepal Sambat New Year as a mascot representing their culture. Baburam Bhattarai during his tenure as prime minister made many promises of making it the national calendar, and the discussions have continued.

Cultural carnivals

One unique part of the celebrations is doing the Mha Puja—a worship of the self. It is a sense of gratitude one offers to oneself, wishing a healthy and hearty life till the next year. Recently, there have been instances of Mha Puja being performed en masse at Basantapur Durbar Square. It presents itself as a unique way for tourists, expatriates and non-Newa Nepalis to understand and appreciate Newa culture. In this way, such open rituals can be used as major tourist attractions, akin to carnivals.

The weather during Tihar is generally good. The clear blue skies, the views of the mountains and the nip in the air in the evenings all add to the experience. Before tourism became a year-round affair, the tourist season in Nepal provided few opportunities for exploration—besides the usual hotspots of Thamel, Sauraha and the Lakeside in Pokhara.

But with the Mha Puja, Nepalis can push the event to the same popularity as many of the festivals celebrated around the world. Perhaps, like Christmas and New Year menu experiences in hotels, there could be hotels that could host their own Mha Puja celebrations, giving tourists an unforgettable experience.

With a large Nepali diaspora that has ageing relatives back home, such cultural festivals can cater to Nepali vacationers who want to come back home to celebrate moments with the family—without being burdened by housework. Families here can avail of digital services such as Airbnb to open their homes to vacationers, creating additional income while adding more festive cheer.

Many may worry about preserving the sensitivities of the rituals. Many more will worry if they are doing the rituals as authentically as possible. For those who are concerned about what is the best ritual and how best to do it, there will always be audio-visual content to help one learn. What matters is that the culture and essence of the rituals aren’t lost. Recently, Nepalis have embraced baby showers. Many have begun to make rangolis during Tihar. Wedding cakes are becoming an all too common feature in all celebrations, from birthdays to becoming a part of wedding saipatas. Similarly, many versions of the Mha Puja can be performed—as long as it is fun and it is about understanding the significance of the culture.

This can be an all-Nepali event that can become community agnostic, much like many other festivals that all communities like to celebrate. To make this a pan Nepali celebration at the earliest, we must begin in haste. After all, they say that the best aila—a beverage that is integral to the Mha Puja—needs to be brewed beginning in December-January.

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Beyond money

The big lesson from Covid-19: money isn’t always the answer.

Tihar is going to be different this year, with Goddess Laxmi arguably facing her biggest challenge yet in the form of the novel coronavirus pandemic. Covid-19 has taken the world by storm and people with deep pockets, an immense amount of wealth and the best of things that the money can buy are battling with the same problems that are also hounding the poor. News reports from the West continue to tell the world that you can be wealthy but still be in deep trouble if you have leadership and citizens that do not want to believe in science.

In my apartment room in Kigali, Rwanda, from where I write this column, I witness how science and rationality have kept countries like this one and Singapore shielded from the spread of the virus. Compare this with Nepal, where the correct dosage of turmeric water was believed to cure this illness before things really got out of hand. In neighbouring China, where the coronavirus originated, the discipline of the citizen and the push of the government ensured that the virus outbreak has been relatively contained for the past few months. Countries with lots of money have suffered despite having the financial resources to manage the situation.

What is wealth for?

Two years ago, in one of my columns during Tihar, I had written about Nepalis needing to think ‘Beyond Lakshmi’. We are so obsessed with Lakshmi—the goddess of wealth—that we forget the two deities next to her—Ganesh (the god that removes impediments) and Saraswati (the goddess of knowledge). We have been obsessed with money, and during Tihar, we create superhighways for the goddess of wealth to enter our homes. If we would give the same amount of attention to other issues as we give to this goddess, a lot of pressing issues would have been resolved. Money and wealth do not resolve everything; Nepalis need to be especially aware of that.

In Kathmandu, I have numerous acquaintances who own many residences, yet they would rent the best three and perhaps live in the smallest house with the least amenities. Similarly, we see people during the pandemic with lots of assets, especially land, complain a lot. They talk about their fortunes being ruined. What is the use of all the wealth one has accumulated—all the money in the bank—when one cannot use it during these difficult times. When people who run successful professional organisations with staff working for them for 20 plus years start to think of retrenching these folks, it makes me wonder whether they actually have made plans to take all their accumulated wealth into the afterlife. Many professionals that I respected came to me seeking advice on matters such as layoffs and furloughs, which is disappointing.

New world order

As scientists race to come up with a viable treatment or vaccine for Covid-19, we shall see just how much money will reign in the world after the disease is kept at bay. But one thing comes out clearly: prosperity is not going to be the major criteria by which to judge countries.

When I travelled to remote Rwanda and asked the residents there why they were keen on wearing masks and washing hands, they told me that they do not want to be embarrassed with a rising number of cases. They want to be the bearers of progress in Africa—with the least number of infections and death—something that they have been able to do so well to date. On May 17, 2020, Rwanda had 292 positive cases and Nepal 295. Where the total number of cases in Rwanda has just now crossed 5,000, Nepal continues to get over 2,000 cases on average a day (and it’s slowly going to be an average of 3000 and over). It is about how citizens think about their responsibilities towards each other before caring for individual rights.

In the new world order, effective management of all spheres of life will be a key driver for growth. Countries like Vietnam and Rwanda will capture global investments, while countries like New Zealand—with a smaller population than the Kathmandu Valley—will lead the global political agenda of change.

For Nepal, much like India, which messed up by supporting an autocratic top-down approach and questioned the use of science, pragmatism and rationality, the only role that it will take in the world stage is that of being the laughing stock. One can have a large economy, with deep reserves and a great tax collection system, but the mistakes and negligence can be dear. Therefore, it is important to think of the new world order based on the societal response, the sense of responsibility and willingness to change the status quo. 

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This year’s Dashain is different

Dashain, irrespective of ethnoreligious alignment, has always been a time to celebrate. This year, it’s different.

Festivals can mean something different for different people. In Nepal, Dashain is the only festival that unifies a variety of people—even though every group has its own way of celebrating. When I was young, the grandmothers would talk of Dashain as being a festival of joy, of the arrival of harvest and the surety of food for the next year. The festival was linked to fulfilment and the power of the different forms of the goddess Durga bestowing their blessings.

Dashain was made a national festival during the Shah and Rana rule, and even people who were not really Hindus began treating it as the biggest festival of the year. Only after the abolition of the monarchy and feudal rule have various other ethnoreligious festivals come into the spotlight. Being brought up in a family where celebrating Swontior Tihar, with the Mha Puja heralding the arrival of the new year under the Nepal Era, Mohani (or Dashain) was just another event that had to be ticked off.

If one was a vegetarian, and gambling was not something one enjoyed, this festival would be a bit boring. The discussion around animal sacrifice was taboo. Only recently have people begun to be open about criticising the act of killing animals to receive blessings. When messaging costs started to become cheaper and were used as a means of sending greetings, wishing people a sacrifice-free Dashain was something that people were not very happy to receive.

In large offices, sacrificing animals while performing rituals on company vehicles was an easy way for employees to claim free meat. When I was in South India travelling during this period, I posted pictures of a melon-like fruit being offered instead of living animals. When I started to talk about how the culture of animal sacrifice may have made society accept the culture of violence during the insurgency, many eyebrows were raised. But it was amusing to see Nepalis claiming the Buddha as their own while refusing to renounce animal sacrifice. It is good to see groups emerge questioning this practice, and I do hope a sacrifice-free Dashain will be a reality in the near future.

Travelling during Dashain also has become popular, as more Nepalis live around the world and nuclear families develop. Even in large, conservative families, the need to slog during Dashain has made travel immensely popular. The emergence of budget airlines and hotels being offered on bargain prices has also greatly contributed to this phenomenon. In the last decade, many younger Nepalis have taken this time to trek and discover their own country.

For us as a family, this is a break we really look forward to each year. For working couples with young children in school, this is the only time you can all take off at the same time. So, travelling through Nepal, or crossing the border to India, this time of the year was always fun. Getting to Thailand was also fun, as they celebrate their vegetarian festival around this time. In Cambodia, this period marks the end of the rains and the Pchum Ben (festival coinciding with the Hindu sorah shraddha). In Singapore, the city starts to be decked up for Diwali. India provides many different options. Bengal, and Kolkata in particular, is a riot of colours and music, as visiting pandals offer experiences one can never forget in life. The south and the west offer up vastly different moments to treasure. We have some fond memories of the Dashain period at the Golden Temple in Amritsar and Auroville in Pondicherry, where there are no major celebrations during these times, but they carry a different vibe.

This year, Dashain will be different. Many will not be celebrating, as they will have lost someone near or dear to them—be it relatives or friends. There are people who are still struggling in hospitals. People have been hit economically; even if you want to spend, there are restrictions on what you can purchase. Travel and tourism are major impacted sectors. Nepalis living abroad who usually made it a point to visit during Dashain to be with the family cannot do so. With the borders closed with India and flights not yet resumed, there are thousands who cannot go to the other side this Dashain. Perhaps this Dashain, many of us will be reflecting on the past—of celebrating together with family. This will be a different Dashain, the tales of which we will be told for many centuries to come. 

https://tkpo.st/2T551sX

रुवान्डाबाट सिकौँ

अबको नयाँ विश्वमा लगानी, पर्यटन, रोजगारी, विकासजस्ता क्षेत्रमा कोरोना व्यवस्थापन राम्ररी गर्ने देशहरूले नेतृत्व र प्रभुत्व जमाउनेछन् । रुवान्डा तीमध्ये एक हुनेछ ।

दुबईबाट रुवान्डाको किगाली विमानस्थलमा उत्रिँदा पाँच महिनासम्म पाटनको घरमा थुनिनुपर्दाको उकुसमुकुसबाट मुक्ति पाएको भान भयो । रुवान्डा आउन सजिलो छ, केही बुँदा रहेका फारमहरू अनलाइन भर्दा हुन्छ (नेपालमा जस्तो बत्तीस गुण र लक्षण भर्नुपर्दैन) ।

विमानस्थल कर्मचारीले मलाई कोरोना नेगेटिभ भएको सर्टिफिकेट हेरे, रोबोटले तापक्रम अनुगमन गर्‍यो । अनि सीधै लिस्टमा भएको, आफूले बुक गरेको होटलतिर गएँ । होटलमा पनि कोरोना टेस्ट गर्नुपर्ने रहेछ, त्यसपछि चौबीस घण्टा क्वारेन्टिन गर्नुपर्ने । होटलमा गरिएको टेस्टको रिजल्ट एक दिनपछि आयो र म लागेँ आफ्नो अपार्टमेन्टतिर ।

अगस्टको अन्तमा राति सात बजेदेखि बिहान पाँच बजेसम्म लाग्ने कर्फ्यु अहिले राति दस बजे मात्र सुरु हुन्छ । म एक महिनाअघि आउँदा दिनको एक सय हाराहारी केस भेटिन्थे भने, अहिले आएर दैनिक तीन–चार वटामा झरिसकेको छ । अन्तरजिल्ला यातायात पनि सुरु भएको छ र विवाह जस्ता कार्यक्रम पनि बिस्तारै खुकुलो पार्दै लगिएको छ । अगस्टदेखि फाट्टफुट्ट पर्यटक पनि आउन थालेका छन् । नोभेम्बरदेखि त स्कुलहरू नै खुल्ने भएका छन् । गत मे १७ तारिख, संक्रमितको संख्या रुवान्डामा २९२ हुँदा नेपालमा २९५ थियो; पाँच महिनामा नेपालमा १ लाख पुग्न लाग्दा नेपालको भन्दा आधा जनसंख्या रहेको रुवान्डा त्यसलाई ५ हजारमा सीमित राख्न सफल भएको छ ।

संसारमा एक–दुई वर्षमा कोरोना महामारीमा राम्रो व्यवस्थापन गर्ने मुलुकहरूमा लगानी र पर्यटन दुवैले फड्को मार्नेछ । डेढ करोड जनसंख्या भएको यो अफ्रिकी देशले यसमा आफ्नो पहिचान बनाउन सकेको छ । के कारण यस्तो गर्न सक्यो त रुवान्डाले भनी केलाउँदा निम्नलिखित चार पक्ष अघि आउँछन्–

पहिलो, रुवान्डामा नियम सबैलाई लागू हुन्छ । कानुन सबैलाई लाग्छ । नेपालमा कानुनले छुन नसक्ने धेरै मानिस छन् । एक दिन यहाँका राष्ट्रपतिको जनतासितको कुराकानीको एउटा प्रसंगले मलाई छक्क पार्‍यो । एक जनाले उनलाई सोधे, ‘तपाईंलाई नाति भएकामा बधाई । भेट्न जान मन लाग्दैन ?’ उनले जवाफमा भने, ‘मन त लाग्छ, तर ढिलो भयो भने स्टेडियममा रातभरि उभिनुपर्ला भन्ने डरले छिटछिटो घर जान्छु ।’

कर्फ्युको बेला बाहिर निस्किए पक्राउ परेर स्टेडियममा रातभरि उभिनुपर्ने नियम छ यहाँ । त्यो सुन्दा मलाई त्यस बखत हाम्रा प्रधानमन्त्रीले आफ्नो मास्क निकाली माइक छोपिदिएको भाइरल भिडियोको सम्झना आएको थियो । रुवान्डेली जनतामा कानुन सबैलाई समान लाग्छ भन्ने विश्वास छ । मास्क राम्रोसँग नलगाए २५० रुपैयाँ, भौतिक दूरी कायम नगरे १,००० रुपैयाँ, घरमा मानिस बोलाएर भोजभतेर गरे १ लाख रुपैयाँ जरिवाना तिर्नुपर्छ । सबैतिर नियम छ र मानिसहरूले त्यसलाई मान्छन् पनि । बारहरू सबै बन्द छन् । रेस्टुरेन्टले मदिरा बेच्न पाउने र के खाना कति अर्डर गरेपछि कति वटासम्म बियर किन्न पाइने भनेर पनि तोकिएको छ । सार्वजनिक यातायातको बस होस् वा निजी गाडी, कति जना कसरी बस्नुपर्छ भन्ने नियम छ र मानिसहरू त्यसलाई मान्छन् । मोटरसाइकल ट्याक्सीमा स्यानिटाइजर राख्नुपर्ने र पछाडि बस्नेले हेल्मेट लाउनैपर्ने हुनाले आआफ्ना टाउका छोप्न कपडा बोक्ने गर्छन् । दुर्गम गाउँहरूमा जाँदा, हटिया छिर्नुअघि हात धुनैपर्छ । मास्क लगाउनैपर्छ । मास्क आफ्नो वडामा लिन जान सकिन्छ र कपडाको मास्क कसरी धोएर प्रयोग गर्ने भनेर सिकाइन्छ । गरिब र विपन्नहरूले पनि नियम पालना गर्न सक्ने वातावरण बनाइएको छ । सबैले सबैलाई यो नयाँ जीवनशैली अपनाउन प्रेरित गर्ने गर्छन् । मास्क लगाएर चारघण्टे तालिम चलाउँदा कस्तो हुँदो रहेछ भन्ने अनुभव त मैले नै गर्न पाएँ ।

दोस्रो, रुवान्डामा सूचना प्रवाह दह्रो छ । गाउँका गरिब र विपन्नले पनि कोरोना संक्रमणबारे बुझेका छन् र के गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने तिनलाई थाहा छ । सामाजिक वा भौतिक दूरीको पालनालाई एकदम कडाइसँग लागू गरिएको छ, सबैले मानिरहेका पनि छन् । राष्ट्रिय टेलिभिजन, रेडियोसहित सबै सञ्चार माध्यमले आमजनताले के गर्न हुन्छ र के गर्न हुँदैन भनेर घोकाएको घोकायै छन् । यहाँ सरकारले जारी गरेका सूचनाहरू सरल र बुझ्न सकिने खालका छन् । नेपालमा जस्तो जनतालाई अलमल पारेर रमाउने सरकारी तन्त्र छैन । सरल चित्रहरूसहित विभिन्न माध्यमबाट कोरोनाबारे जनचेतना फैलाइरहिएकै छ ।

यहाँका दातृ संस्थाहरू पनि सरकारको निर्देशनअनुसार चल्ने गर्छन् । निजी क्षेत्रलाई कसरी आफ्नो व्यवसाय चलाउनुपर्छ भनेर सरल रूपमा निर्देशनहरू जारी गरिएको छ । ससाना पसलअघि स्यानिटाइजर वा हात धुने ठाउँ राख्नैपर्ने, मास्क लगाउनैपर्ने र निजी व्यवसायीले पनि कुरा सुन्नैपर्ने नियम छ । नेपालमा जस्तो नेताहरूसँग खिचेको फोटो झुन्ड्याएर पहुँच भएकालाई कोरोना नलाग्ने जस्तो गर्दैनन् यहाँका पहुँचवालाले । नेपालमा एड्स रोकथामका निम्ति काम गरेका विकासविद् मोहन मानन्धर भन्ने गर्नुहुन्छ— हाम्रा ७५३ स्थानीय निकायहरूमध्ये अधिकांश आफ्नो फोटो/भिडियो वा नेताहरूको फोटो/भिडियोको पछि लागेर बरबाद भए । यसो खाने ठाउँ छ भने चासो लिने, नभए पशुपतिनाथलाई छाडिदिने !

तेस्रो, रुवान्डा संसारसामु आफ्नो पहिचान अझ बढाउन चाहन्छ । उसलाई संसारले हेरिरहेको भान हुन्छ । यो मुलुकलाई पूर्वी अफ्रिकामा मात्र नभएर सम्पूर्ण अफ्रिका महाद्वीपमा एसियामा सिंगापुरले झैँ तहल्का मच्चाउनु छ । यहाँ भेट हुने युरोपेली र अमेरिकीहरू तीनछक परेका छन् । रुवान्डाले तीनछक पार्न खोजेकै पनि हो । अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सञ्चार माध्यमहरूमार्फत उसले आफ्नो सफलताको कथा फैलाउने गरेको छ । हामीले पनि परामर्शदाता कम्पनीहरूलाई ल्याएर महामारीपछिको समयमा पर्यटनमा होस् वा लगानीमा, शिक्षामा होस् वा स्वास्थ्यमा कसरी संसारमा नेतृत्व लिने भनी फलदायी छलफल चलाउन सक्थ्यौँ । रुवान्डाले विज्ञहरूलाई बोलाएर सल्लाह गरेको गर्‍यै छ । नेपालमा भने ट्वीटमार्फत प्रधानमन्त्रीलाई अन्तरक्रियामा आउन अनुरोध गर्दा दुई–तीन पटक विज्ञहरूको जमघट गरिए पनि उनीहरूका सुझावलाई बाथरुममा फ्लस गरियो ।

चौथो, रुवान्डाबाट लिनुपर्ने सबभन्दा ठूलो सिकाइ भनेकै आफ्नो देशप्रति गौरवबोध हो । यो कुरो मैले नेपालका निम्ति भनेर आफ्नो किताब ‘अर्थात् परिवर्तन’ मा अन्तिम सूत्रका रूपमा राखेको छु । छाडा जनताले नियम तोड्ने गर्छन् र तिनले आफूहरूमध्ये अलिक बढी छाडालाई नेता बनाउने गर्छन् । तिनैले फेरि नेपाललाई कहिल्यै गाली गर्न पनि छोड्दैनन् । समस्या देशको होइन, देशवासीहरूको हो । वर्षमा १० लाखले डीभी भर्ने गर्छन्, याने उनीहरू देश त्याग्न तयार छन् । नेपालमा मास्क नलगाउने, सामाजिक दूरी नमान्ने व्यक्तिहरूले नै भोलि डीभी पाएर उडिसकेपछि नेपाल यस्तो नेपाल त्यस्तो भन्दै गालीगलौज गर्ने गर्छन् । देश त्याग्न तत्परहरूले नेपालप्रति गौरव गर्न खोज्दैनन् । सायद यो महामारी नेपालमा यसरी फैलेको पनि देशप्रति माया नभएकाहरूकै कारण होला । देशको छवि संसारमा कस्तो होला भन्ने अनुभूति नभएरै होला ।

रुवान्डामा सबैजसो नागरिकमा आफ्नो देशको छविमा आँच आउला कि भन्ने डर छ; संक्रमितको संख्या बढ्यो भने संसारले के भन्ला भन्ने पीर छ; पर्यटक र लगानीकर्ता नआउलान् कि भन्ने पीर छ; आफ्नो देशले अफ्रिकामा स्थापित गर्न लागेको वर्चस्वमा ठेस पुग्ला कि भन्ने सुर्ता छ । सरकारी निकायदेखि जनतासम्मले आफ्नो राष्ट्रियतासँग जोडेका छन् कोरोना संक्रमणलाई । संसारमा सबै थोक अनित्य छ, कोरोना संक्रमणको पनि अन्त हुन्छ नै । संक्रमण अव्यवस्थापन र राजनीतिक अदूरदर्शिताका कारण नेपालको मात्र होइन, धेरै शक्तिशाली देशकै पनि पहिचान डगमगायो । अबको नयाँ विश्वमा लगानी, पर्यटन, रोजगारी, विकासका कुरामा कोरोना व्यवस्थापन राम्ररी गर्ने देशहरूले नेतृत्व र प्रभुत्व जमाउनेछन् । रुवान्डा तीमध्ये एक हुनेछ ।

The response to the pandemic will further isolate Nepal

A problem—be it an earthquake, blockade or pandemic—in Nepal is only recognised when it hits the capital.

Many have asked me as to why in my book Unleashing Nepal there is a chapter titled ‘Isolation’ and it is always very easy to explain, at least in regards to the Kathmandu Valley. The Valley’s residents seem to live in a bubble. Even after the many centuries of integration with the rest of Nepal, Kathmandu does not notice the problems in other regions. The devastation caused by floods and other natural disasters in the Tarai or in the North or the West seem to be occurring worlds away, when in fact the nearest recent disaster occurred not even 70 kilometres away from the Valley.

Even just a century ago, Nepalis conducted strict purification rituals for those who crossed the seas. We did not want to learn about other cultures, countries or people and were happy to be one with our own extended family, tribe or ethnic group. While Nepalis have in the past three decades spread around the world at a great pace, they live in isolation. The usual get-togethers among Nepalis—with a fair bit of drinking and gambling among the men while the women are in the kitchens—over the weekends are no different in any part of the world than what they would have looked like back home. I have met many Nepalis in many countries who have never shared a meal with a non-Nepali. There are some who will tell you they hang out with some other South Asians, but it’s a closed tribe mindset.

Politics reflect the tribe mindset

We currently have a bunch of communists at the helm of affairs. And, they are dealing with the infighting within the ruling party, keeping the disgruntled happy and covering up for the favourites. The communists are busy deciding how to divvy up their allegedly ill-gotten gains. They are busy deciding which child of which leader will get which part of the pie and which child is too naughty to get anything. The durbar-like setup in Baluwatar is the current favourite hangout of the ruling elite. There are courts and courtiers. Sycophants are busy adding layers of carpet to the already existing layers of carpet. The opposition, a different tribe that believes in the same things as the ruling party, is nowhere to be found.

The pandemic has made people push the tribe mindset more—it means you can hang out with your extended families, political cartels and other groups and you will be spared from being infected. So one can go and attend the hush-hush parties, go to hospitals to see the ill or attend funerals. They are not bothered about what is happening outside their own world. As infections have increased in the Valley, people have finally begun to realise that Covid-19 actually exists.

The need to wake up

The current government has great support from a section of people who have the means to silence critics. They ensure the domestic equations are well maintained in return for plump positions and political protection. They do not care whether Nepal’s relations with India are at rock bottom and Chinese investors complain of the same problems as other investors. With the US, they threw out the Millenium Challenge Corporation Nepal Compact, unofficially telling the international community that Nepal does not want to connect with the world. There are other problems that make Nepal unappealing for outside investors. Nepalis like their physical meetings so much that many have not been able to connect virtually. My firm has been representing a global company, and we have directly been told that the Nepal government does not believe in virtual meetings and that people need to come in person to present any case for official masters. They are least bothered about what is happening in other parts of the world, and do not care whether their own citizens live or die.

The post-World War II and post-colonial Asia created Singapore, which then became a dominant global economic hub. The oil crisis brought about Dubai as a new hub in the Middle East. The 2008 financial crisis brought on changes for countries like Estonia and Latvia to emerge as hubs of interest. As the world will recover in a year or two from this setback, there are going to be new go-to places. New Zealand is definitely a contender, Vietnam is strongly emerging in Asia and in Africa, with good control on the pandemic, Rwanda is getting ready with ambition plans on tourism and investment.

Nepal needs to wake up to the reality that it is part of the global ecosystem; it will only benefit from this ecosystem if it is an active participant. The country’s image as a tourist destination has been hit by the way the government has handled the pandemic. But there is still time to wake up, though the window may close soon if Nepal doesn’t act. 

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